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House Republicans have sued to enjoin the use of the House’s proxy voting system. Will the case break new ground?
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A new partnership between Lawfare and the Stanford-MIT Healthy Elections project will bring readers an up-to-date stream of granular and detailed content related to election integrity in the midst of the...
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The response to the global pandemic by African countries and their external partners has been hampered by a lack of coordination. To streamline efforts to combat the coronavirus in Africa, the U.S. shoul...
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Seventy years ago, Congress abdicated its power to declare war. Here’s how it happened.
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The Justice Department announced the indictments against two Chinese private citizens, Li Xiaoyu (known as Oro0lxy) and Dong Jiazhi, for unauthorized infiltration of computers and the theft of terabytes...
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We present a roadmap for the United States to work in partnership with allies to strengthen defense against biological weapons
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The Israeli government has reauthorized the General Security Agency to share metadata with the Ministry of Health for the purpose of combating the coronavirus.
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As the pandemic goes on, lawsuits in federal courts have proliferated across the country challenging the inadequate response of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to the spread of the coronavirus.
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Strategic messages that incorporate credible threats under jus ad bellum are often the best option to enhance deterrence signaling.
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Most governments consider tear gas a weapon of war yet routinely use it against their own populations during periods of internal unrest. The history is complicated.
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The president has a legal obligation to file a report with Congress on legal authorities connected to ongoing U.S. military operations. He has shirked that duty.
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The better approach for the U.S. is to use the lexicon of jus ad bellum in public messaging.